At the party congress, where North Korean leader Kim Jong Un once again threatened Seoul and confirmed his intention to develop his nuclear weapons program, many people's attention was drawn to his 13-year-old daughter. The question of her possible appointment as heir became the central topic of discussion, as reported by the BBC.
This week, no new facts or confirmations regarding this matter have been presented.
Nevertheless, this has sparked debates about the prospects of Kim Ju Ae as a future leader of the country with a population of 25 million, which has remained under the control of the Kim family throughout its existence.
Party congresses, held every five years, usually attract attention because Kim Jong Un delivers messages to both Seoul and Washington at these events.
However, this time the focus has shifted. Last week, South Korean intelligence informed lawmakers that, in their opinion, Kim Jong Un has chosen his daughter as his successor, and that her opinion on political matters has become more noticeable.
Although Kim Ju Ae has been appearing more frequently on television alongside her father, very little is still known about her. Her name and age have not yet been disclosed by North Korean authorities.
The first mention of her existence came when basketball player Dennis Rodman mentioned her name in an interview with The Guardian during his visit to Pyongyang in 2013. She is believed to be 13 years old, based on estimates from intelligence data.
Previously, South Korean intelligence claimed that she has an older brother, but this information was later denied.
“It was an intelligence miscalculation,” commented Chung Sung-chang, vice president of the Sejong Institute and one of the first to hypothesize that Kim Ju Ae would become the heir.
Now Chung and other experts suggest that Kim Ju Ae is the eldest child and has a nine-year-old sister.
She first appeared on television in 2022 when she held her father's hand during an inspection of a new North Korean missile.
Chung believes that her television appearances, where she takes center stage, and state media referring to her as the “respected child,” confirm her status as a potential heir.
“The state media uses phrases that are usually reserved for the supreme leader, which emphasizes the cult of her personality,” he noted.
Additionally, according to Chung, her closeness to the military is also an important factor.
Kim Ju Ae has observed troops and weaponry alongside her father, and generals have sometimes knelt beside her, whispering in her ear as she watched military parades with her father.
Chung explains that Kim Jong Un's power lies in his control over the army, and if Ju Ae becomes his successor, she will need to establish herself as an authoritative military leader.
During inspections, she traditionally dresses in a long black leather coat and dark sunglasses, just like her father.
When Kim Jong Un became leader, it happened quite unexpectedly: he appeared in public just a year before his father's death.
Chung speculates that Kim wants to avoid such a rapid transition of power by introducing Ju Ae to society at an early stage.
So far, there is no confirmation that Kim Jong Un is suffering from serious health problems, aside from mentions of his weight and bad habits.
Nevertheless, Chung believes that Kim may be seeking to appoint a successor in advance to prevent a potential succession crisis.
However, former North Korean official Ryu Hyun-woo notes that the likelihood of a woman ruling the country is extremely low.
Ryu, who worked as a diplomat before his escape in 2019, reports that North Korean law requires that the country be governed by a man from the Paektu dynasty, meaning a direct descendant of the country's founder Kim Il-sung.
Although Ju Ae does belong to this bloodline, the patriarchal system of North Korea does not recognize her as a legitimate heir, Ryu emphasizes.
In North Korea, women at various levels of power face difficulties in receiving equal treatment. Female officials are rare, and women in military leadership positions are even rarer.
According to Ryu, many taxi drivers in Pyongyang refuse women if they are their first clients of the day, as it is considered an unlucky sign.
“If they succeed, they finish the ride, then go to the back of the car and spit three times to ward off bad luck,” he recounts.
For all these reasons, Ryu cannot imagine Kim Ju Ae at the helm of North Korea.
He believes it would be so shocking that “military commanders might realize that anyone could become the leader of North Korea, which could even lead to thoughts of overthrowing [the regime].”
According to Ryu, Kim is showcasing his daughter in state media to soften his tough image and plant the idea of hereditary succession.
However, others, including South Korean intelligence, hold the opposite view.
Firstly, the position of women in North Korea has noticeably improved since the so-called “Arduous March”—a famine caused in the 1990s by the collapse of the economy.
While men continued to perform state-assigned jobs even with reduced salaries and rations, it was women who began to seek ways to feed their families by starting their own businesses and trading on the black market.
Song Hyun-jin, who studied over 120 North Korean defectors regarding the role of women in high positions within the regime, claims that women are increasingly occupying leadership positions and managing factories.
In recent years, North Korean television broadcasts have shown men in aprons doing household chores, indicating significant changes in society.
According to Song, Ju Ae's gender will not be an obstacle if her father decides that she should take his place. Her background and upbringing in this country are sufficient for ordinary citizens to accept her as a leader.
“We cannot view North Korea through the lens of our logic. It should be perceived as the Joseon dynasty,” says Song, referring to the medieval Korean kingdom. “Who would dare challenge a person of royal blood who ascended to the throne?”
This week, the party appointed Kim Yo-jong, Kim Jong Un's influential sister, as the Minister of Propaganda. Chung believes this indicates that Kim Jong Un is preparing his sister for the role of guardian for his daughter.
When Kim Jong Un became leader at the age of 27, many hoped he would open North Korea to the outside world.
However, these hopes quickly dissipated when he executed his reformist uncle in 2013.
Since then, his nuclear weapons program has significantly expanded, and the regime's strict control over all aspects of life shows no signs of weakening.
Chung asserts that there is no reason to believe that Ju Ae will behave differently than her father. He dismisses the suggestion that she may become more open or lenient, pointing to stereotypes about women.
Ryu, whose father-in-law is still in Kim Jong Un's inner circle, believes that the discussion of Kim's successor may become an end in itself.
“Kim craves attention more than you think. He really enjoys all these articles about him and his possible successor,” he concludes.
The post Can Kim's teenage daughter become North Korea's next leader? first appeared on K-News.
