In the last decade of December, India announced a $450 million aid package for the recovery of Sri Lanka following the devastating cyclone "Dithwa," which struck the country at the end of 2025. In response to the natural disaster, the Indian Navy organized a large-scale humanitarian operation under the Sagar Bandhu mission.
Indian warships, including Vikrant and Udaygiri, which were in Colombo for the International Fleet Review, were promptly deployed to provide assistance at the request of local authorities. Shipborne helicopters conducted aerial reconnaissance and enhanced search-and-rescue operations, and the ship Sukanya was dispatched with essential humanitarian supplies.
The Sagar Bandhu mission illustrates India's new approach to regional cooperation—not as a coercive "security provider," but as a "respectful partner."
Transforming from "Security Provider" to "Preferred Partner"
For many years, India has been perceived as a "net security provider." This term was introduced by American officials at the Shangri-La Dialogue in 2009 to describe India's growing role in the Indian Ocean. While it reflects the strengthening position of the country, it also raises concerns related to unilateral actions and the image of an "elder brother," which unsettles smaller neighbors.
Warnings from Pakistan about potential Indian hegemony, the "India Go Home!" campaign in the Maldives, and the cautious stance of Bangladesh highlight regional discomfort regarding India's role as a self-appointed "police force."
The shift to the concept of "preferred security partner" in 2020 was an important step in changing strategy. As noted by then Indian Foreign Minister Nirupama Rao in 2010, the country cannot bear the burden of regional security alone. The main question was how exactly India should formulate and implement its role.
The answer to this question is becoming increasingly clear in operations like Sagar Bandhu, reflecting a model of "respectful response."
Core Principles of "Respectful Response"
The first principle is the absence of unsolicited intervention.India provides assistance only at the request of the affected country. Given its colonial past, New Delhi is particularly mindful of sovereignty issues. For example, after the 2004 tsunami, aid to neighbors was provided only upon official requests. The same occurred with support for Sri Lanka after the cyclone "Dithwa," when assistance was given at Colombo's request rather than initiated by India.
The second principle is the absence of political conditions.Indian humanitarian aid is not tied to political demands, unlike development assistance, which often requires reforms or geopolitical concessions. When India sent medicines and COVID-19 vaccines to the Maldives in 2020 as part of Operation Sagar, it occurred independently of the "India Go Home!" campaign, and the aid was provided unconditionally, in contrast to criticisms of China's "vaccine diplomacy."
The third principle is prioritizing the authority of the host state.Indian military forces do not create their own command structures or bypass local authorities but operate through them. While this approach may slow processes, it builds long-term trust. In Sri Lanka, aid distribution occurred in coordination with local authorities, creating an image of India as a reliable partner rather than a force attempting to seize control.
Balanced Ambitions and Real Capabilities
This approach allows India to begin addressing the internal contradictions of its regional role. The country's geographical position, the presence of two aircraft carriers, and growing naval forces make it an obvious regional power. About 80% of India's trade and 90% of its energy resources pass through the Indian Ocean, making maritime security critically important.
On the other hand, India faces threats from China and Pakistan, budget constraints, and a long-standing dependence on arms imports. A fleet of approximately 130 ships, while significant, does not meet the estimated requirement of 200 units for a sustainable presence in the Arabian Sea and the Bay of Bengal.
The "respectful response" model allows for aligning ambitions with capabilities. India aims to be the partner that neighbors turn to first, which requires continuous trust-building—through reliability and genuine partnership.
Competition with China and Resource Limitations
However, challenges remain. China's presence in the Indian Ocean, from its base in Djibouti to submarines in Colombo and Karachi, as well as the "Belt and Road Initiative," provide smaller states with alternatives for maneuvering. China's deeper financial resources allow it to win the competition for infrastructure projects, and Beijing's willingness to sell arms—63% of Pakistan's defense imports and 71% of Bangladesh's—attracts governments wary of Indian dominance.
While India cannot compete with China in terms of expenditure, it has other advantages: geographical proximity for rapid response, cultural-historical ties that reduce threat levels, and a lack of intent to establish hegemony. These principles are supported by the Constitution of India, which mandates the promotion of international peace and just relations between states.
What Lies Ahead?
With the completion of the operation to mitigate the effects of cyclone "Dithwa," the main question is not whether India can act as a "security provider"—this clearly exceeds its current capabilities. The key question is whether it can be a reliable partner that regional states turn to first, confident in swift and respectful assistance without a political price.
Examples like Sagar Bandhu suggest that the answer to this question is becoming increasingly positive. Nevertheless, maintaining such a status requires continuous investments—in both technology and trust.
The future security architecture of the Indian Ocean will not be unipolar or entirely under China's control. It will become multipolar, where smaller states will choose partners based on reliability and respect for sovereignty. Geographical advantages and capabilities play their role, but it is the respectful response that transforms them into significant capital—preference.
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